19:00 03.09.2009 | Все новости раздела "КПРФ"
Spinning Stalin
The decision by Moscow authorities to restore Stalin’s name to the vestibule of the Kurskaya metro station on the 130th anniversary of his birth has sparked a storm of debate. Not surprisingly, not a single official from the Moscow Mayor’s Office has taken responsibility for reinstating the verse from the 1944 version of the Soviet anthem that reads, “Stalin raised us to be loyal to the nation; He inspired us to work and be heroic.” But it is clear that the decision could not have been made without the mayor’s approval.
Обухов Сергей Павлович |
The Kurskaya station is a classic example of 1950s Stalinist architecture with its signature deep columns. The station is associated with Stalin in another way as well: It is named after the 1943 Battle of Kursk during World War II, the largest tank battle in history that decided the fate of the Eastern front. Obviously, it would be nonsense to restore the station — an architectural monument specifically dedicated to the Stalinist period — without referring to Stalin.
Incidentally, when there was an initial widespread movement to dismantle and remove Soviet symbols following the August 1991 putsch, the Supreme Soviet, as the parliament was called at the time, passed a law forbidding the destruction of Soviet symbols when they were integral parts of the structure’s design. A good example is the State Duma building, which is embedded with the Soviet hammer and sickle, although in early August the post-Soviet double-headed eagle was also placed on the building.
The liberal opponents of the decision to restore the verse from the Soviet anthem to Kurskaya offer the same, weak argument: If it would be unthinkable in Germany to reinstate the swastika on renovated buildings dating back to Hitler’s rule, why is it acceptable to glorify Stalin in Russia? But they have failed to take one important point into consideration: Nazism and fascism were condemned at the Nuremburg Trials, but no such verdict was ever handed down against the Soviet Union, one of the victorious powers of World War II and a founding member of the United Nations. A Nuremburg-like verdict against the Soviet Union (or Russia as its legal successor) is impossible to imagine — not only because nobody can deny Stalin’s historical role as one of the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition, but also for pragmatic reasons, since such a move would strike a serious blow to the current system of international relations.
A calculation of human losses under Stalin’s regime can hardly serve as a solid criterion for deciding whether or not to preserve his name on the wall of a historical building. If we were to apply this same logic and standard to European countries, they would have to destroy a significant portion of their cultural heritage, including monuments to Oliver Cromwell or Napoleon Bonaparte. This would apply to the United States as well — in particular, President Harry Truman, who ordered U.S. troops to drop atomic bombs on two Japanese cities in August 1945, killing more than 100,000 innocent civilians.
The current pro-Stalin PR campaign by the authorities coincides with the campaign for the Moscow City Duma elections on Oct. 11. The United Russia party traditionally has far worse electoral results in the capital than in other regions. But for Mayor Yury Luzhkov, whom the new City Duma will ultimately decide either to reappoint or retire, a strong showing by United Russia would be his ticket to retain his post.
That is why all the attention given to the Kurskaya metro affair could very well be an intentional campaign stunt by United Russia to win additional votes from older and middle-aged voters, who tend to have a more positive attitude toward Stalin and who make up a key support base for the Communist Party.
Recent surveys show that few Russians support a harsh condemnation of Stalin. According to the Levada Center, only 6 percent of Russians condemn the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, and only another 17 percent hold a moderately negative opinion of it. It is also evident from the public’s reaction to the resolution passed by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in early July equating the Soviet Union and Stalinism with Hitler’s Germany and fascism. According to VTsIOM, only 11 percent of Russians agree with that view, and only 14 percent of respondents insist on a campaign to rename blatantly Soviet city and street names.
The return of Stalin’s image to Kurskaya received wide media coverage. This has enabled the authorities in the Moscow city government to gain favor with one of the most disciplined and loyal members of the electorate — older voters who are sympathetic to the Soviet Union. It is part of a United Russia campaign strategy to steal votes away from the Communist Party, its main opposition.
But these kinds of underhanded campaign tactics will hardly be successful. United Russia’s attempt to co-opt the glory of Stalin — the man who turned the Soviet Union a formidable superpower — is doomed to fail. After all, the voters can simply compare Stalin’s monumental legacy with United Russia’s poor record — namely, its economic and political failures that have only increased as the crisis takes its toll — and it will become clear that United Russia is not their fathers’ Communist Party.
Sergei Obukhov is a State Duma deputy from the Communist Party.
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